Clegg's coalition clangers!

Nick Clegg is in a bind! His instincts are conservative, but his party is centre-left! Yet, there is a chance the next election will produce an indecisive result, and he is desperately trying to steer the Liberal Democrats into a position to take advantage.

Yesterday at the Liberal Democrat Spring Conference in Birmingham, he made his last big speech, outside of the election campaign. Mr Clegg was the last of the main party leaders to do so, and he attempted to lay out a vision for a Liberal Democrat government. The Labour Party had unveiled their slogan, 'A Future Fair for All,' and the Conservatives countered with, 'Vote for Change,' (though neither the Conservative website, or ConservativeHome seem overly keen to display it). The Lib Dems, on the other hand, have typically nicked bits of both to produce, 'Change that works for you, building a fairer Britain.' However, their site seems to have a different slogan for each policy area, so expect to be suitably confused.

Nick Clegg is a confident man. he has always seemed to have a belief in his own destiny, the sort of thing probably instilled in him at Westminster School. In a croaky voice, looking like he had just left his office in the city, he stood before the gathered delegates. His opening salvo, a declaration that people should not accept, 'That's just the way things are,' sounded like he had picked his speech up in the middle. Did he forget his introduction? The laying out of the themes to give it coherence!

The Liberal Democrats have long been the third party in Britain, and under their previous guise of the Liberals, since losing the General Election of 1922, following the split between followers of Lloyd George and Asquith. Since then, they have desperately attempted to appeal to voters from all sides, to regain former glories.

After a long period in the doldrums, things started to improve substantially in the 1980s, certainly in vote share, during the alliance with the Social Democratic Party. The 1990s, and early 21st century have proved quite fruitful, and they are easily the third party in Parliament, even if seats do not reflect their actual support.

The 2010 General Election should represent their best chance to breakthrough the Conservative and Labour domination. Even if they weren't able to gain the seats their vote deserved, the case for electoral reform could have been made. So Mr Clegg's task was one of trying to say enough to please his own supporters, whilst appealing to both the main parties watching with interest.

Yet, seemingly he has attempted to cosy up to the Conservative party in the last few days, making a number of statements which seemed to rule out working with Labour, in the event of the them being the largest party in a hung Parliament.

In an interview in the Spectator, he attempts to come across as more conservative than the Conservatives, but ends up just sounding like a child who is desperate to please. Indeed, in the photo above the Guardian's report on the article he looks like a rather rascally schoolboy, who has been caught doing something he shouldn't.

He goes out of his way to praise the Thatcher government, saying that, "(I)f the Conservatives had any imagination or verve," they would ape the policies of Nigel Lawson on capital gains and income. Although to be fair, in the same interview he does criticise Cameron and Osborne on their support for the vested interests of the banks. Teaming up with the Tories would seem more natural for Clegg was a member of the Conservative Association whilst at Robinson College, although it could be argued, he has always shown a penchant for minority politics, as the Tories were very unpopular there.

In recent weeks Clegg had often sounded like he was doing the jobs the Tories have patently failed to do. He consistently attacked Labour's record in office, acting as if the Liberal Democrats were the official opposition. But, in this speech he began by talking about how support for the Conservative and Labour parties has declined, and how the Liberal democrats are there to step into the breech. The thing is, nobody really seems to want them to. If the polls are anything like indicative, whilst the main parties are not gaining the mass of support, they are not flocking to the Liberal Democrats either. Instead, the possibility is that voters will not turn out at all, or turn to minor parties in protest.

At a time when voters feel alienated from politics, the Liberal Democrats should be stepping forward to fill the void. They were the first choice party of protest for many years. Winning stunning by-election results, and their brief alliance with the Social democratic party, before amalgamation, in the 1980s, gave them short-lived dreams of power.

Between March 1977 and October 1978, the old Liberal Party had a taste of power in partnership with the Labour government of James Callaghan. But although the cooperation seems to have helped stabilise the situation at the time, it was not particularly popular with the public. This is perhaps a lesson they need to remember, and not try too hard to appeal to both, but set out their own agenda, and then let things unfold as they will.

So, a few days ago, Nick Clegg was making positive noises about the Conservatives, but at the spring conference he has concentrated on distancing himself from them. He has been somewhat forced into this because of hostility from delegates. Indeed, according to the Guardian, "Those on his party's left, who outnumber the liberal voices, are privately threatening rebellion or resignation if their leader supports a Conservative budget." Yet, in the Spectator interview he was describing Margaret Thatcher as an inspiration. It would be a mistake to think of this as just normal Liberal Democrat indecision. These are the actions of a leader who in trying to appeal to everybody, who could well end up appealing to no one!

The Liberal democrats, like the two main parties, have set out a number of key priorities. In the Lib Dem case it is only four, and they are based around the usual themes of tax, the environment, education and cleaning up politics. The policies, however, are just rehashes of the ones labour has already published, or ones already in action. How close they are to the Tories we will discover when those are announced.

He said he wouldn't act the role of 'kingmaker,' that the decision was up to the electorate, but he returned to his strong anti-Conservative theme. Last year he accused them of scaremongering over the economy, and yesterday he told of how

''David Cameron, George Osborne and Ken Clarke marched into the City of London the other day and declared that if voters didn't give them the result they want, the markets would tear the house down. Cynical, desperate, the Tories think they're entitled to victory - the moment they feel it slipping from their grasp, they start lashing out. It's a political version of the protection racket - do what we want, or else.''

Whilst there may be truth in this assessment, it is an incredibly dangerous game to play. The Conservatives remain the most likely to be the largest party following the election, and statements like this would not make them conducive to working closely with the Liberal Democrats.

I think Fraser Nelson painted a very accurate picture of Clegg when he said, "(I)f there is such a thing as Cleggism, this is it; a mosaic, rather than a fusion, of policies. Some red, some blue. Tax cuts for the poor, to please Lord Tebbit. Tax rises on the rich, to assuage Labour voters." But perhaps most damningly, he than adds, "(T)his approach is not so entirely dissimilar to Tory policies." So he is simultaneously bowing to internal pressure to distance himself from the Conservatives, whilst following the same line in many areas. Though, once again, as part of his trying to steer that middle course, said it would be dangerous to start cutting too soon.

But his attempts to distance himself, are again countered by a headline today saying, ''I would back Tories in a hung poll." So he is contradicting himself, just twenty-four hours after seeming to rule out partnership with the Conservatives. This shows Clegg's totally confused thinking, as he tries to marry his personal preferences, with those of the party.

The Liberal Democrats are still stuck in the middle. They have tried to spend the last few years being to the left of the Labour government, but their instincts have taken them back towards the centre. Unfortunately for them, there are already two parties there, and not much space for another one. Their only real hope lies in either the Tories lurching to the right, or Labour the left, and filling the void. But neither is likely before the election. As said, Nick Clegg's instincts seem to be Conservative, but the really big beast in the party, Vince Cable, and the vast majority of the membership is centre-left.

Nick Clegg has failed to set out a vision for the Liberal Democrats. Something that would separate them from the two major parties, and their only hope in the foreseeable future lays either as a very junior member of a coalition, or to hope for a Labour victory, in which they can bring sufficient pressure to ensure that the promises on electoral form are carried through.

But, in the end, all he has probably done is alienate himself from both parties, and the Liberal Democrats could well find themselves stranded, and even squeezed, in the battle over the centreground, but with neither trusting them enough to work in close partnership with.